The maneuvering was already underway.

In Florida, where the Legislature recently passed a ban on abortion after 15 weeks, lawmakers pushed Gov. Ron DeSantis to call a special session to consider a ban after six weeks.

The National Right to Life Committee promoted model legislation for state bans and renewed calls toward its original, bigger goal of a constitutional amendment banning abortion nationwide. It and other anti-abortion groups also pledged to punish prosecutors who have said they would not enforce abortion bans.

They promised other steps to limit access to abortion, including pushing for legislation prohibiting people from crossing state lines to get abortions or obtaining abortion pills.

Abortion-rights groups were heading back to court with a hearing Monday where they are seeking an injunction to stop Florida’s 15-week ban from taking effect. They promised court fights over the so-called trigger bans that took effect on Friday upon the Supreme Court’s ruling.

In Ohio, Freda J. Levenson, legal director for the Ohio American Civil Liberties Union, said Sunday that her organization and Planned Parenthood of Ohio would file suit early this week to block the implementation of abortion bans in the state, arguing that abortion is a protected right under the Ohio constitution.

The Women’s March, which rallied hundreds of thousands to demonstrations after Donald J. Trump became president in 2017, promised street protests in a “Summer of Rage” and said it would back primary challenges to Democrats it considered complicit in the appointment of the conservative Supreme Court majority.

On Monday, California state lawmakers are expected to put a state constitutional amendment on the ballot that would explicitly protect reproductive rights. In Michigan, where Gov. Gretchen Whitmer has filed suit to stop a nearly century-old ban on abortion from taking effect, activists were collecting signatures on a ballot initiative that would enshrine the right to abortion in the state Constitution.

“We’re going at it, we’re pulling out all the stops,” Ms. Whitmer, a Democrat, said on “Face the Nation With Margaret Brennan.” “This is a fight-like-hell moment.”

Abortion-rights supporters could take heart over what appeared to be broad public disapproval of Friday’s ruling. A CBS News/YouGov poll conducted immediately after the court handed down its decision shows that Americans considered it a “step backward” for the nation by more than a 20 percentage-point margin.

Nearly 60 percent of Americans and two-thirds of women disapproved of the ruling, the poll said. Fifty-eight percent said they would approve of a federal law making abortion legal.

And 56 percent of women said the ruling would make women’s lives worse, according to the poll, far greater than the 16 percent who said it would improve women’s lives

But, opponents of abortion, celebrating their biggest victory in the nearly 50 years since Roe, felt as if they had the wind at their back.

Kristan Hawkins, president of the anti-abortion group Students for Life of America, said its primary focus would now be on preventing pregnant women from getting abortion pills as a workaround to bans. It had also discussed proposed legislation, modeled along the lines of a Texas law that since September has banned abortion after six weeks, that would allow ordinary citizens to sue anyone who provided abortion services across state lines.

“Ultimately our mission in the pro-life movement is to make the act of abortion unthinkable and unavailable in our nation,” Ms. Hawkins said.

The waves of joy and anger set off immediately after the decision Friday continued all weekend, on the airwaves and in pulpits and at protests in the sweltering summer heat.

A thousand protesters waving signs and chanting objected to the court’s decision outside the State Capitol in Oklahoma City, where Gov. Kevin Stitt, a Republican, signed one of the strictest abortion bans in the nation last month, in anticipation that the court would overturn Roe.

Hundreds turned out to support abortion rights at rallies in Birmingham, Huntsville and Montgomery in deeply conservative Alabama. Leaders of the rally outside the Madison County Courthouse in Huntsville urged the crowd not to pay attention to or interact with a group of chanting anti-abortion protesters who attempted to interrupt the gathering.

Denunciations of the court ruling rang out at events wrapping up Gay Pride month across the country. A contingent of Planned Parenthood supporters led off the boisterous Pride Parade in downtown Manhattan, chanting, “Rise up for abortion rights!” At the Pride event in San Francisco a city supervisor, Rafael Mandelman, told the crowd that while they could party for the day, “tomorrow we have work to do!” Even those in California, he said, could campaign for congressional candidates in other states.

“If we’re going to change what happened on Friday, we all need to do work,” he said. “We can knock on doors and we can elect Democrats and we can protect Democrats.”

For many conservatives, Sunday was a day of celebration

At the Austin Baptist Church in Texas, the Rev. Jonathan Spencer devoted his two morning sermons to celebrating the court’s decision.

“I rejoice with the Lord in his mercy and grace in helping remove what I believe is one of the greatest tragedies of our generation,” he told his congregants, asserting that more than 63 million children have been killed because of abortion since Roe.

“This does not end the battle,” he said. “Abortion still stands and people will still undergo these procedures.”

His message was well-received among the congregation. “I thought he was perfectly on point,” said Dawn Church, 49. Of the court decision, she said, “I’m ecstatic.”

But in other congregations there were other messages.

At Mount Zion Baptist Church in Nashville, Bishop Joseph Walker III blessed several babies in a baby dedication ceremony, before calling on women in the large and mostly Black congregation to stand and be applauded.

He recognized the women for the role they have long played “on the front lines of so many battles and fights” nationally and globally and committed to more prayers for them.

“Look at these beautiful babies, life is a blessing,” he said. “At the end of the day, no one has a right to tell you what to do with you. That’s between you and God.”

Tameka Gibson, 45, welcomed his support. “I believe in pro-choice,” she said. “I believe that is a decision between people and God.” She did not agree with the direction Tennessee was taking; its trigger ban on abortion took effect on Friday.

“Everything is going backwards,” she said.

Protests were mainly peaceful, though some sporadic violence was reported. A grocery store worker on Staten Island was arrested on Sunday after hitting Rudolph W. Giuliani on the back while the former mayor campaigned on behalf of his son, a Republican candidate for governor. Mr. Giuliani said he was walking through a ShopRite grocery store when the employee slapped his back and said, “You’re going to kill women.”

But as the nation absorbed the gravity of the moment — the rare occasion when the court has taken away a constitutional right — there were scenes of doubt, nuance and sometimes a desire to find middle ground, or at least understand those with different and deeply held views.

At the service at the Cathedral of the Incarnation in Nashville on Sunday morning with her husband and 5-month-old daughter, Katie Fullan said she supported the court’s decision. “But I had mixed feelings too,” she said. “I have a lot of friends, co-workers, neighbors who feel very distressed by it, and I feel like I really sympathize with them and understand where they are coming from.”

And while she supported the state’s decision to ban abortion, she thought it also needed to pass laws for paid maternity leave, subsidized child care and financial support for food and housing for those who need it.

“Many of the reasons women feel like they need abortion is because of the lack of support for raising children,” Ms. Fullan said. “The hardships that come with pregnancy and recovery, that’s going to be hard even with paid health care and paid child care.”

At the Brethren Church on a rural highway in Jefferson Township, Ohio, the congregation is split roughly half between Black and white members, with a handful of Latino congregants. Part of the service is delivered in Spanish. And while the church’s stances have historically been progressive, the membership prides itself on nurturing a diversity of views.

“I am totally for the Supreme Court verdict, I don’t believe in harming innocent children,” said Sharon Sampson.

Terri Griffith said: “I am very disillusioned. This Supreme Court is dangerous.”

Yet those on opposite sides had worshiped together and shared in the potluck after the service. Jan Putrell, 68, was also there. While she described herself as a “radical progressive” on many social issues, she said abortion didn’t fit the easy categories that some do.

“We need a time of discernment,” she said, “to reflect on the verdict.”

Reporting was contributed by Jamie McGee, David Montgomery, Kevin Williams, Holly Secon, Luke Vander Ploeg, Sydney Cromwell and Ben Fenwick

“Every district attorney in the state is going to be empowered to potentially investigate miscarriages to test the limits of the law and see if they can put doctors in prison,” said State Senator Kelda Roys, a Democrat in Wisconsin. “It makes things very difficult for health care providers. It unleashes a whole host of terrible circumstances.”

The sudden importance of laws that were written before women had the right to vote has sent legislators, activists and abortion providers scrambling to understand the implications. In Wisconsin, clinics in Milwaukee and Madison had already paused scheduling appointments for abortion procedures next week in anticipation of the Supreme Court ruling; after its decision came on Friday morning, all of the state’s clinics stopped providing abortions entirely.

Ismael Ozanne, the Dane County district attorney, signaled on Friday that he would not enforce the Wisconsin law that criminalized abortion, a suggestion that a patchwork situation could develop in which abortion is prosecuted differently from county to county.

According to the Guttmacher Institute, which supports abortion rights, eight states still have abortion bans on the books that predate Roe v. Wade, but some have more recent bans that would most likely take precedence. In recent years, states including New Mexico, Vermont and Massachusetts have removed old bans.

In Michigan, where a law from 1931 bans abortion, the battle is already playing out in the courts. Gov. Gretchen Whitmer, a Democrat, filed a lawsuit in April asking the Michigan Supreme Court to resolve whether the State Constitution protects the right to abortion. A Michigan judge issued an injunction in May that stops the ban from being enforced, at least temporarily, until a separate lawsuit is resolved.

On Friday, Ms. Whitmer called the 1931 law “antiquated,” noting that it does not provide exceptions for rape or incest. “The 1931 law would punish women and strip away their right to make decisions about their own bodies,” she said in a statement.

Ms. Whitmer has vowed to veto legislation that would restrict abortion. The Michigan Legislature has a Republican majority but not one large enough to be likely to override a veto.

There is also a pre-Roe ban in West Virginia, but experts said it was unclear whether that or newer state laws that put fewer restrictions on abortion would take effect. The state’s attorney general, Patrick Morrisey, said in a statement on Friday that he would soon “be providing a legal opinion to the Legislature about how it should proceed to save as many babies’ lives as humanly and legally possible.”

Arizona, Alabama and North Carolina also have older abortion laws on the books, but more recent restrictions passed in those states could take precedence, such as a total ban on abortion that became law in Alabama in 2019 but was superseded by Roe until now.

In Wisconsin, both sides are preparing for lawsuits and political battles over whether the abortion ban, which has been unenforceable since Roe v. Wade made abortion legal in 1973, will result in prosecutions.

“The future of this old law will be determined in our state courts and our state political system,” said Mike Murray, the vice president of government and external affairs for Planned Parenthood of Wisconsin. “On a practical level, there is going to be litigation requesting clarification from our state courts about whether or not the 1849 law is enforceable.”

Gracie Skogman, the legislative director for Wisconsin Right to Life, said she hoped the 1849 law “is enforceable and saves lives here in Wisconsin, but we also do expect that there will be legal challenges.” On Friday, the organization said “Wisconsin is in powerful position to defend preborn life due to our pre-Roe statute.”

Under the ban in Wisconsin, doctors who perform abortions can be found guilty of a felony. It includes exceptions for an abortion that is necessary to save the mother’s life, but does not make exceptions for cases of rape or incest.

Laws banning abortion in the 19th century were typically the result of an effort to regulate how medicine was practiced, which medicines could be distributed and who was providing drugs that could cause abortion, historians said. The laws tended to ban abortion only after “quickening” — a point about midway through pregnancy when a woman can feel a fetus move in the womb.

James Mohr, a professor at the University of Oregon whose book “Abortion in America” details the history of abortion in the United States, said 19th-century laws banning abortion were passed not for political reasons, but because of pressure from elite physicians, who were concerned that people who called themselves doctors were performing abortions without training.

“It’s very hard for Americans to wrap their mind around the fact that abortion was simply not a public issue in the 19th century,” he said. “It was not discussed in public, it was not political, it was not politicized.”

After states passed abortion bans, he said, “It would appear that the practice of abortion continued just about the way it always had.”

“The same number of pregnancies as a percentage continued to be terminated,” he continued. “Prosecutors almost never brought prosecutions under these laws because juries wouldn’t convict.”

Lauren MacIvor Thompson, an assistant professor of history and interdisciplinary studies at Kennesaw State University in Georgia who studies abortion history, said that recent laws banning abortion were far more restrictive than those passed well over a century ago.

“By and large, many of the laws passed in the 19th century were more lenient and often did not punish the woman,” she said. “That is shifting rapidly.”

Past efforts to repeal the 1849 law in Wisconsin have fizzled, even when the Democratic Party controlled both the governor’s office and the Legislature, and there was little push from the public to overturn it.

“I hadn’t heard much about the ban until quite recently,” said Jenny Higgins, a professor of gender and women’s studies and obstetrics and gynecology at the University of Wisconsin-Madison School of Medicine and Public Health. “Folks didn’t really believe that overturning Roe was possible, or palatable, until recently.”

Wisconsinites have indicated in recent polls that they favor keeping abortion legal. In a recent poll conducted by Marquette Law School, 58 percent of state residents said abortion should be legal in all or most cases.

This past week, Gov. Tony Evers convened a special session in the Legislature to pressure lawmakers to repeal the abortion ban. A ring of protesters in pink shirts gathered at the Statehouse in Madison, their chants ricocheting under the dome of the Capitol building.

But Republicans, who hold a majority in the State Senate, ended the session almost as quickly as it began, without a vote or discussion. Robin Vos, the speaker of the Assembly, posted on Twitter on Friday that “safeguarding the lives of unborn children shouldn’t be controversial.”

Mr. Evers, who is running for re-election in November, condemned the Republican lawmakers after the session, saying they had jeopardized access to health care.

“Republicans’ refusal to act will have real and severe consequences for all of us and the people we care most about who could see their ability to make their own reproductive health care decisions stripped away from them,” Mr. Evers said in a statement.